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MDC Contents
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 Mosiah
24:1
1 And it came to pass that Amulon did gain favor in the eyes of the king of the Lamanites; therefore, the king
of the Lamanites granted unto him and his brethren that they should be appointed teachers over his people, yea,
even over the people who were in the land of Shemlon, and in the land of Shilom, and in the land of Amulon.
Historical:
Verses 1-7 constitute an insertion by Mormon that gives an overview of the effect of the Amulonites on the Lamanites.
When viewed with an historian's eye, these verses are somewhat suspect as to their complete accuracy. The problems
are:
- Mormon is writing nearly five hundred years after these events.
- The descriptions he is giving deal with general Lamanite policies and tendencies, but there is little likelihood
that Mormon had access to Lamanite records.
- Mormon appears to be ascribing most of the eventual Lamanite culture to the importation of Nephite culture
through the Amulonites. This contradicts both the internal evidence of the Book of Mormon to this point, as well
as the archaeological record.
What is going on in these verses? It is most likely that Mormon is indulging in the rather human assumption
of the superiority of one's own culture. He supposes that Lamanite advances are directly related to the importation
of Nephite information. This same tendency has overshadowed the earliest research into the history of the New World,
when most of the native advances were assumed to be related to the importation of ideas and peoples from the Old
World.
- "Most earlier writers on American origins erred on the side of boldness, claiming that Indian culture
derived form such a medley of peoples as Israelites, Egyptians, Assyrians, Koreans, Trojans, Etruscans, Scythians,
Greeks, Tartars, Chinese, Irish, Welsh, and Norsemen, to name only a few. Passing references were made to Cretans,
less known at the time but perhaps a more obvious choice, in view of the maritime skills." (Davies, Nigel.
Voyagers to the New World. William Morrow and Company, 1979, p. 6).
The Mormon community of writers have been equally as bold in proclaiming the Israelite origins of the American
Indian, with equal error in overstepping the bounds of what the Book of Mormon claims for itself. Rather than an
explanation of all Amerind peoples, the Book of Mormon deals with a smaller number of people in a limited geographic
area (such is the assumption of this commentary).
The question remains open as to whether or not there were contacts between the Old World and the New:
- "The arguments have, in fact, developed into a hundred years' war, with no end in sight. At the 35th International
Congress of Americanists, held in Mexico City in 1962, the experts were once more locked in combat over precisely
the same problem, and again tempers became frayed. Since then discussion has continued unabated…. Nowadays many
anthropologists prefer to keep an open mind about pre-Columbian contacts bewteen the two hemispheres" (Davies,
Nigel. Voyagers to the New World. William Morrow and Company, 1979, p. 7. See, for example, Man Across the Sea.
Ed. Caroll Riley, et. al. University of Texas Press, 1971).
For Mormons, the presence of some Israelites in the New World is a matter of faith. While the Book of Mormon
is quite consistent in describing those Israelites as they participated in a Mesoamerican culture, it says nothing
at all about the direction of influence of culture, whether the Israelites provided culture to the Mesoamericans
or the Mesoamericans provided it to the Israelites.
Archaeology, on the other hand, is reasonably clear that the greatest transfer of culture was from the Mesoamericans
to the Israelites, in that the Mesoamerican culture can be traced to times prior to Book of Mormon contact, and
there are no obvious Israelite cultural influences in the Mesoamerican culture set. Of course this does not suggest
that the Israelites were not there, and some archaeologists would suggest. It merely states that the material culture
of the Book of Mormon participated in the material culture of the Mesoamerican area, just as modern Mormons in
every country participate in the material culture of their own lands, with homes, vehicles, and cooking utensils
that look every bit the same as their neighbors.
This tendency, however, to see one's own culture as dominant, and therefore as the source for other cultures,
is a very old one, and it appears that Mormon was no stranger to the sway of the idea. What Mormon will present
is an idea that most Lamanite advances were due to the Amulonite's teaching Nephite ways to the Lamanites. While
certain teachings may indeed have been imported, the picture that Mormon gives of the renaissance of Lamanite culture
after the importation of a few men well overstates the case as it can be reconstructed from the Book of Mormon
text and the known archaeology of the area.
It may be reasonably asked upon what basis one may question the accuracy of anything in the Book of Mormon,
since Joseph Smith called it the "most correct book." Clearly the conception of "correctness"
has much more to do with doctrinal purity than with the absence of error, as there have been numerous alterations
for spelling and grammar in the text (the Book of Mormon Critical Text. FARMS 1987 contains most if not all of
these alterations over time).
Since the "correctness" or the Book of Mormon does not preclude its essential existence as the result
of human labor, with the potential imperfections of human nature, we may turn to the Bible as a model for how humans
have dealt with information about and from the divine. That text also shows its roots coming from particular places
and times, and from the culture bound notions of its writers, inspired though they were. Similarly, we may expect
that the Book of Mormon is the result of humans who participate in, and absorb much of, their own cultures. In
the ancient world, there is a nearly universal tendency to exalt one's own people over any and all others. When
the Book of Mormon is seen as an ancient text, these touches of ancient humanity only serve to strengthen our understanding
that the book was written by real people, in a real place, during real times.
Mosiah
24:2
2 For the Lamanites had taken possession of all these lands; therefore, the king of the Lamanites had appointed
kings over all these lands.
Historical:
We should not be surprised that the Lamanites have taken formal possession of these lands, as they are lands that
were abandoned by the Limhites, or the Amulonites. What is interesting is the statement that the king appoints
kings. How is it that we have multiple kings?
In ancient Mesoamerica, as elsewhere, the major political entity was the city. Similar to the ancient Greek
city-states, each Mesoamerican city was a government unto itself. Nevertheless, there appears in the Book of Mormon
a conception of ties between the various kings of the city-states. In the later Maya city states this situation
would be comparable to the intermarriage with other rulers, or of the appointment of rulers in conquered lands.
Each separate city-state would retain its sovereignty, but there could be a loose loyalty to a common benefactor
from a larger and more powerful city.
An important historical case of "beholding" relationships between city-states is the relationship
between Tikal and Uaxactun:
- "In the scenario we have reconstructed, forces from Tikal under the military leadership of Smoking-frog,
the brother of the high king, attacked and defeated the forces of their neighboring kingdom, Uaxactun, on January
16, 378. The victory placed Smoking-Frog on the throne of Uaxactun, where he oversaw the accession of his nephew,
Curl-Snout, to Tikal's throne on September 13, A.D. 379. Fro the next eighteen years, and perhaps as long as twenty-six
years, Smoking-Frog ruled Uaxactun, possibly marrying into its ruling family as well. Even though Smoking-Frog
ruled Uaxactun, however, he remained extremely important at Tikal. It's possible he was the overall ruler of the
new combined kingdom that resulted from his victory in battle. (Schele, Linda, and David Freidel. A Forest of Kings.
William Morrow and Company. 1990, pp. 157-8).
This is precisely the type of interrelationship being described for the Lamanite kings. Each city would have
its own king, but there would be a relationship with another city, and perhaps an overall "king" who
dominated one or more "beholding" cities.
Mosiah
24:3
3 And now the name of the king of the Lamanites was Laman, being called after the name of his father; and therefore
he was called king Laman. And he was king over a numerous people.
Social: It has been
suggested that the Lamanites had a similar naming convention to the early Nephite kings, where the king would receive
the throne-name Nephi. We do have the case of two subsequent Lamans, but the very fact that it should be signaled
specifically that these were names argues against the similarity. Indeed, when Mosiah leaves the city of Nephi,
he abandons the throne-name tradition. Perhaps the Lamanites had done so also, or never had developed the conception
of the throne-name. In any event, it is clear that Laman was a venerated ancestor, as his name was passed on, and
used in royal families. Surely no Nephite would have been named Laman nor Lemuel, and no Lamanite would have born
the name Nephi.
Mosiah
24:4
4 And he appointed teachers of the brethren of Amulon in every land which was possessed by his people; and thus
the language of Nephi began to be taught among all the people of the Lamanites.
Social: There
are two essential pieces of information. The first is that the former priests of Noah are made teachers "in
every land which possessed" by the Lamanites, and the second is that the language of Nephi "began to
be taught" to all Lamanites.
The first instruction is a presupposition to the second. The former priests were teachers, and therefore they
taught the language. Certainly the priests of Noah would have been learned men, and therefore their appointment
as teachers is not necessarily surprising. What is surprising is the assertion that it is the "language of
Nephi" that is being taught. This second point requires some examination.
Let's begin with the facile assumption that the Lamanites and Nephites refer only to the lineal descendents
of Lehi and that they never mixed with any other people. Both groups began by speaking the same language, and while
500 years is a long time, it is not long enough for complete unintelligibility between separated speakers of the
same original language. If we begin with the assumption that no one is around but Lehi's direct descendants, then
this statement is nonsensical.
When we take into account the proposed cultural milieu suggested in this commentary, we still have problems.
While we can easily see the original Lamanites losing their language, and the original Nephites eventually losing
theirs in Zarahemla, neither of those cases explain what is happening in this verse. According to the internal
evidence examined, the "Lamanites" that we are dealing with are former "Nephites" who remained
in the land of Nephi when Mosiah and his people escaped with their lives. The Zeniffites are able to return precisely
because Zeniff knows the land and the language. We have no indication in any of the record of the proceedings between
Shemlon and Lehi-Nephi that indicates any problem in understanding each other. Since the king of the Lamanites
referred to here is the king in Shemlon, and the priests of Noah were in Lehi-Nephi, that would seem to indicate
an ability to communicate that precedes their joining with the Lamanites. What is going on?
The most likely explanation lies in the possible meaning of the word "language" as it is used in the
Book of Mormon. While there are times when it certainly indicates the spoken word, there are other times when it
is equally likely that "language" is used as a synonym for "culture." See the discussion following
1 Nephi 1:2-3 for a more complete analysis of this usage in the Book of Mormon. If Mormon is using "language"
as a synonym for "culture," then this passage becomes much clearer. The Amulonites are teaching those
aspects of Nephite culture that would have given them their competitive advantage in the trading markets. Note
that verse 7 explicitly ties the enrichment of the Lamanites to this teaching by the Amulonites, and very specifically
mentions trade (though in a different way than suggested here).
I suggest that this is the meaning of the verse. The culture of the Nephites, those things that have in the
past given them a trading edge (remembering how rapidly the early Nephites and the Zeniffites rose to riches).
Among these cultural "improvements" was also writing, according to the assertion in verse 6.
Mosiah
24:5
5 And they were a people friendly one with another; nevertheless they knew not God; neither did the brethren of
Amulon teach them anything concerning the Lord their God, neither the law of Moses; nor did they teach them the
words of Abinadi;
Historical:
Modern readers might presume that the priests of Noah were religious teachers, not scientists. However, this division
of knowledge that is so comfortable to the modern reader, would have been quite foreign to the ancient world. The
priests would have been learned in all aspects of their culture, both religion and their sciences. Thus they were
quite able to become teachers of value, even if they elected to leave behind all of their previous religious teachings.
Mosiah
24:6
6 But they taught them that they should keep their record, and that they might write one to another.
Historical:
It is hard to assess the validity of Mormon's claim that the Lamanites gained writing only through the instruction
of the Amulonites. On the one hand, this is precisely the type of cultural jingoism that one might expect of Mormon.
The development of the known writing systems in Mesoamerica precedes this point in time, though the early development
and the distribution of writing is not a topic well understood.
While it is yet possible that for this particular group of Lamanites writing was previously unknown, even this
possibility is suspicious. When we remember that we are dealing with Nephites-become-Lamanites for the most part,
it would be inconceivable that this were the first time writing was introduced to the "Lamanites." Those
Nephites who had previously "converted" would surely have taken that knowledge with them, and they should
have been in the majority in this particular area. The most logical explanation for Mormon's assertion is his cultural
blinders that asserted that all value came from the Nephites.
Mosiah
24:7
7 And thus the Lamanites began to increase in riches, and began to trade one with another and wax great, and began
to be a cunning and a wise people, as to the wisdom of the world, yea, a very cunning people, delighting in all
manner of wickedness and plunder, except it were among their own brethren.
Here is Mormon's
conclusion. What is most important is the end acknowledgement. Underneath the loaded words, the Lamanites are cultured
and powerful. They have begun to "wax great." Of course they are still "cunning," and "delighting
in all manner of wickedness" but of course that is because they are the enemy. Begrudgingly, Mormon is telling
us that they are to be reckoned with. Of course, all of the good they received from the traitorous Amulonites who
gave them Nephite culture so they could begin to "wax great."
Mormon notes that they now "began to trade." Of course this must be incorrect. There is no way that
they could have developed their civilization to the described extent without trade, if only for the necessities
of warfare, such as obsidian. Trade is a part of virtually all societies. Donald E. Brown has examined multiple
populations of the world to attempt to extract those things that we, as humans, hold in common. Among those things
so prevalent among virtually all societies that they may be deemed a "human universal" is trade (Brown,
Donald E. Human Universals. McGraw-Hill, 1991. P. 138).
That the Lamanites may have become even better at trade due to some of the knowledge from the Amulonites is
quite possible. That they had never traded before this time is not at all possible.
Mosiah
24:8
8 And now it came to pass that Amulon began to exercise authority over Alma and his brethren, and began to persecute
him, and cause that his children should persecute their children.
Mosiah 24:9
9 For Amulon knew Alma, that he had been one of the king's priests, and that it was he that believed the words
of Abinadi and was driven out before the king, and therefore he was wroth with him; for he was subject to king
Laman, yet he exercised authority over them, and put tasks upon them, and put task-masters over them.
We cannot be certain
that the Lamanites understood that this would happen when they placed Amulon in a position of power of Alma and
his people, but it is not likely that they did. We must remember that it is in the best interests of the Lamanites
to have a docile population working to provide the tribute exacted from them. The excessive burdens Amulon places
upon Alma's people will lead to tremendous strain, and eventually the abandonment of the area by Alma's people.
For the Lamanites, this will cost them a tribute-paying dependent city, and they are the poorer for it.
The Lamanites would probably not have heard about the specific problems that Amulon would have with Alma, and
therefore could not even guess that there would be a previous animosity that would be exacerbated. It is more probable
that they intended this rulership by "an old friend" to be a better arrangement than having a Lamanite
overseer. They would have seen it as enhancing their long term access to tribute, not as a potential disruption
of it.
For Amulon, this is a story of personal vendetta. While both Alma and Amulon had ended up leading a group of
people, Alma's was larger and more prosperous (perhaps due to its size) than was that of Amulon. Thus Amulon would
see Alma as a representation of all that had lead to his personal downfall. Unfortunately, we have in these verses
the all-too-human tendency to malicious revenge for imagined wrongs.
Mosiah
24:10
10 And it came to pass that so great were their afflictions that they began to cry mightily to God.
We can readily understand
that when the afflictions became great Alma's people turned to God. Indeed, it is one of the sad facts of many
lives that only dire afflictions will remind them of their need for God's aid. However, for this people, it is
not a return to God, but a new call for deliverance. This was already a righteous people. This mighty cry was not
one of a people humbled to submission to God (as was Limhi's people) but rather a righteous people who are responding
to extremeties.
What is interesting here is the idea that they "began to cry mightily to God." The interest is not
in the "cry" but in the "began." Surely this was a people already familiar with God and with
daily supplication to God. What requires the use of "began?"
I suggest that the original tribute status was accepted and acceptable to the people of Alma. It was when Amulon
increased the burdens upon them that they "began to cry." Thus the original "deal" would have
been acceptable, but it is this increased persecution that has pushed them to the limits of their abilities. Of
course in this increased persecution they would increasingly turn to God for relief, as they could find none from
their own powers.
Mosiah
24:11
11 And Amulon commanded them that they should stop their cries; and he put guards
over them to watch them, that whosoever should be found calling upon God should be put to death.
In addition to any
personal vendetta Amulon had with Alma, there was a very clear religious chasm between the two. Amulon had (with
others) put Abinadi to death, and Alma had taken Abinadi to heart. That difference alone might have been sufficient
to create this command from Amulon. He exercises his authority to limit the expression of the religion of Alma's
people, a religion with which he had disagreed before, and now had even more reason to hate. This command is an
extension of the same reasons Amulon increased the tribute burdens upon Alma's people.
Mosiah
24:12
12 And Alma and his people did not raise their voices to the Lord their God, but did pour out their hearts to him;
and he did know the thoughts of their hearts.
The principle that
God knows even the thoughts of our hearts is widespread in the scriptures. In modern days the Lord has said:
D&C 33:1
1 Behold, I say unto you, my servants Ezra and Northrop, open ye your ears and hearken to the voice of the Lord
your God, whose word is quick and powerful, sharper than a two-edged sword, to the dividing asunder of the joints
and marrow, soul and spirit; and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart.
The same conception is found in the Old Testament:
1 Chr. 28:9
9 And thou, Solomon my son, know thou the God of thy father, and serve him with a perfect heart and with a willing
mind: for the LORD searcheth all hearts, and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts: if thou seek him,
he will be found of thee; but if thou forsake him, he will cast thee off for ever.
(See also Psalms 94:11, John 2:24-25, Alma 12:3, Alma 12:14, Helaman 9:4, 3 Nephi 28:6, and D&C 6:16 for
related concepts)
In Biblical language, the heart is the seat of thought (as opposed to the modern Western symbolism of emotion).
It is in the heart that "true thoughts" are stored, thus knowing the "heart" and knowing the
thoughts of men are the same thing.
Socio-religious: One of the things that this verse tells us is that vocal prayer was common. It is probable
that this was not the personal vocal prayers that one might say, but a communal prayer, with multiple supplicants.
Thus one of the things we learn is something of the more typical order of prayer for Alma's people. It would appear
that they would gather together for vocal, communal, prayer.
It is this communal prayer that Amulon forbids, though it clearly might extend to any individual vocal prayer.
The banning of communal prayer has more behind it than simple vindictiveness. By disrupting the communal prayer,
Amulon also disrupts other possible communal responses, such as organized resistance. By removing an occasion when
the people were gathering together and bemoaning their fate, and asking deliverance, Amulon has removed a major
brewing threat to his leadership - or so he would suppose.
As Mormon notes, the prohibition against public communal prayer did nothing to prohibit the hearts of the people,
and the prayer of these righteous people went up to God even when they were silent.
Mosiah
24:13
13 And it came to pass that the voice of the Lord came to them in their afflictions, saying: Lift up your heads
and be of good comfort, for I know of the covenant which ye have made unto me; and I will covenant with my people
and deliver them out of bondage.
Mosiah 24:14
14 And I will also ease the burdens which are put upon your shoulders, that even you cannot feel them upon your
backs, even while you are in bondage; and this will I do that ye may stand as witnesses for me hereafter, and that
ye may know of a surety that I, the Lord God, do visit my people in their afflictions.
Textual: It
is difficult to discern what Mormon was reading that allows him to write this conclusion. Certainly the Lord was
capable of answering prayer, but the specificity of this answer suggests that it was an answer that perhaps Alma
received, and all of his people understood as an answer to their prayer. Had each individual received this precise
answer, it would be nearly impossible to elicit such a response from the people in order to write it down. It is
more likely that this is Alma's answer, and one that he understood from conversation with his people that their
faith had already led them to.
Mosiah
24:15
15 And now it came to pass that the burdens which were laid upon Alma and his brethren were made light; yea, the
Lord did strengthen them that they could bear up their burdens with ease, and they did submit cheerfully and with
patience to all the will of the Lord.
This verse contains
a great lesson in the way in which the Lord assists us. While we might pray for the removal of the burden, the
Lord rather increases our capacity for the burden. Bruce Hafen sees this example as part of what he terms "the
endowment of hope:"
- "This is the spiritual endowment of hope-of perspective, of patience, of an inner serenity, a sure inner
sight, that is "not weary in well-doing." (D&C 64:33.) Such hope is bestowed by the power of the
Holy Ghost, "which Comforter filleth with hope." (Moroni 8:26.) It is the hope of which Nephi wrote in
explaining the process that follows our entry by baptism into the straight and narrow path: "Wherefore, ye
must press forward with a steadfastness in Christ, having a perfect brightness of hope and a love of God and of
all men." (2 Nephi 31:20.)
It is the hope that Mormon recognized as a sustaining, God-given source of strength in the maturing stages of spiritual
development: "I would speak unto you that are of the church, that are the peaceable followers of Christ, and
that have obtained a sufficient hope by which ye can enter into the rest of the Lord. . . . My brethren, I judge
these things of you because of your peaceable walk with the children of men." (Moroni 7:3-4.) Not perfect,
not frantic; not pessimistic and not artificially cheerful. The walk of those who walk with the endowment of hope
is "peaceable."
The practical effect of the endowment of hope is illustrated by the Lord's blessing to Alma and his followers,
who were in bondage and were made to carry heavy physical burdens. Alma and his people pleaded with the Lord for
help, and he responded: "The burdens which were laid upon Alma and his brethren were made light; yea, the
Lord did strengthen them that they could bear up their burdens with ease." (Mosiah 24:15.) The Lord intervened
in this way, "that they might know of a surety that I, the Lord God, do visit my people in their afflictions."
(Mosiah 24:14.)
It helps us see the place of hope to know that our development toward spiritual maturity is a process, not an event.
It is a distance race, not a sprint. It is thus no race for the short-winded" (Hafen, Bruce C. The Broken
Heart. Deseret Book 1989, pp. 183-4).
Mosiah
24:16
16 And it came to pass that so great was their faith and their patience that the voice of the Lord came unto them
again, saying: Be of good comfort, for on the morrow I will deliver you out of bondage.
Mosiah 24:17
17 And he said unto Alma: Thou shalt go before this people, and I will go with thee and deliver this people out
of bondage.
Textual:
The contrast in subject in verses 16 and 17 perhaps tells us a little more of the source material that Mormon is
using to write this section. Clearly in verse 17 the voice of the Lord is coming to Alma. Since it appears that
this is Alma's record, we can easily understand that Alma would have recorded this information, and we have it
as Alma wrote it down.
What is less clear is the source of the generalized communication from the Lord to the people in verse 16. We
do not know if Mormon presumed this, or Alma wrote it down. Given all other evidence from Mormon, it would appear
that something of the communal understanding of the answer from the Lord would have been available. Alma may have
written it this way, and Mormon copied it. When Mormon is inserting his opinions, (such as with King Noah) it is
fairly obvious. In this case, the most likely scenario is that Alma was emphasizing the spiritual preparation of
his people. They understood that the Lord would deliver them. The specific timing, that it would happen "on
the morrow" must be Alma's conclusion after he began to prepare for the journey in accord with his direct
revelation. While the people may have understood that deliverance was coming, it is doubtful that they would all
have clearly understood that it would occur "on the morrow." Alma appears to be taking a small literary
license here as he emphasizes the righteousness of his people.
Mosiah
24:18
18 Now it came to pass that Alma and his people in the night-time gathered their flocks together, and also of their
grain; yea, even all the night-time were they gathering the flocks together.
As with the story
of the escape of Limhi's people, this preparation could not have been the simple task of preparing for the night.
The gathering of flocks might be a nightly task, but the gathering of the supplies needed for the journey would
be a much larger task that any normal nightly preparation. As with the Limhites, this suggests that the Lamanite/Amulonite
presence in the city was limited, and that they were able to make these preparations without raising an alarm with
their oppressors.
Mosiah
24:19
19 And in the morning the Lord caused a deep sleep to come upon the Lamanites, yea, and all their task-masters
were in a profound sleep.
The contrast between
the escape of the Limhites and the Almaites is interesting. Both leave with their belongings past sleeping guards.
The difference is that Limhi plied the guards with wine to induce their sleep, and the Lord himself caused a deeper
sleep to come upon the Lamanites guarding Helam. Perhaps the difference lies in the nature of the faith of the
two groups. Alma's group had relied almost entirely on their new faith. Limhi's people were in the process of repentance,
and were much more used to relying upon themselves rather than the Lord. In each case the Lord causes a miracle,
but perhaps the greater participation in the creation of the miracle by the Limhites was a response to their degree
of faith, a faith that still saw themselves as an important part of their own destiny.
While this might explain the difference, it should not be taken as a marker of one's faith that the miracles
of the Lord are greater, or that they rely less upon the individual's participation. The result in both cases was
a deliverance from bondage. Each group received the same temporal benefit. The difference in faith did not alter
what the Lord delivered, only the method by which it might be delivered.
For us, that should teach us that our faith can be sufficient, even though it is not as great as our neighbors.
God can and does work with us based upon the faith that we have, and he may provide miracles to us all, regardless
of the stage of our belief. Once again, there is no limitation to what the Lord may do for us when answering our
righteous prayers. There may be differences in the mode of deliverance, but deliverance may come to all.
Mosiah
24:20
20 And Alma and his people departed into the wilderness; and when they had traveled all day they pitched their
tents in a valley, and they called the valley Alma, because he led their way in the wilderness.
Given the topography
of the proposed area in which Alma's group would be traveling, it is of no surprise whatsoever that this people
should find themselves in a valley. This area is a maze of mountains and valleys, and as has been previously noted,
is one of the explanations for the multiple peoples passing through the same general area, but not easily finding
each other.
The naming of the valley Alma is certainly more symbolic than permanent, and this people intends to push on.
Putting down permanent roots only a single day away from their oppressors would be incredible folly, and we may
be sure that they never considered it. Nevertheless, the naming of the valley with Alma's name reconfirms his leadership
of the group, and stands as a reminder of the more interesting naming of the area and city of Helam from which
they have just fled.
Mosiah
24:21
21 Yea, and in the valley of Alma they poured out their thanks to God because he had been merciful unto them, and
eased their burdens, and had delivered them out of bondage; for they were in bondage, and none could deliver them
except it were the Lord their God.
Mosiah 24:22
22 And they gave thanks to God, yea, all their men and all their women and all their children that could speak
lifted their voices in the praises of their God.
Alma's people came
together for a religious cause, and their entire community was based on the commonality of their religious convictions.
They were led out of Helam by a prophet, and by what may easily have been seen as a miracle. It is therefore of
no surprise that when imminent danger was over they should thank God for their deliverance. What is interesting
is that there is no mentioned sacrifice. When Lehi's sons are delivered out of the hands of Laban, Lehi explicitly
sacrifices (1 Nephi 5:9). Here there is no such mention.
We do not know whether or not the principles of sacrifice were becoming altered for the Nephites by this time,
or whether this is simply something that Mormon neglects to mentions.
Mosiah
24:23
23 And now the Lord said unto Alma: Haste thee and get thou and this people out of this land, for the Lamanites
have awakened and do pursue thee; therefore get thee out of this land, and I will stop the Lamanites in this valley
that they come no further in pursuit of this people.
A single day's distance
between the Lamanites and Alma's people certainly wasn't enough. The Lord tells Alma that they Lamanites are in
pursuit. With the size of the group Alma is leading, they would certainly leave clues of their journey that could
be followed, at least for a few days (remembering that they have previously evaded a Lamanite army that was unable
to follow them after a couple of days).
Mosiah
24:24
24 And it came to pass that they departed out of the valley, and took their journey into the wilderness.
Mosiah 24:25
25 And after they had been in the wilderness twelve days they arrived in the land of Zarahemla; and king Mosiah
did also receive them with joy.
Geography:
This is one of the verses that is important in creating distance calculations between Nephi and Zarahemla. Of course
they could not take a direct route. As we have seen, they are traveling through a mountainous area, and likely
following valley paths both for the ease of travel (as opposed to up and down mountains) as well as probable access
to water sources.
Literary: As has been noted, "receive them with joy" may have been a set phrase, for it is
also found in Mosiah 22:14:
"14 And it came to pass that Mosiah received them with joy; and he also received their records, and also
the records which had been found by the people of Limhi."
Textual: There is no break here in the 1830 edition. In fact, this break occurs in the middle of a paragraph
in the 1830 edition. Not only was it not considered the end of a chapter, it was not conceived (at one point) as
the end of an idea. The following verses deal with the reception by Mosiah. Verse 25 is already pointing towards
Mosiah, and the earliest verses of chapter 25 pick up at that point.
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